[BoP:1815] Vienna
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(Let's begin things in earnest. Keep in mind this thread is in-character. Use the quicktopic for OOC.)
Greetings, Nations of Europe!
We are gathered here in Vienna, a beautiful and historic city, for a very important cause. Napoleon, the scourge of Europe, has been defeated at last by the forces of the Sixth Coalition. We now face the behemoth, dismantling the Corsican's empire and restoring order to the continent. The four great powers: Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia must gather our collective wills together and formulate the best way to secure peace in Europe for the foreseeable future. This does not mean the rest will be left out, however. The position of France must also be considered, as one of the historic powers of Europe, as well as the defeated party. France ought not to be crushed, that will only lead to future revolution and turmoil in the coming years. Destruction of France is not the goal of the British government or people.
The secondary powers of Europe too must provide their opinions, as no peace is complete without every nation. It is my opinion that great powers should not gobble up the small nations surrounding them with impunity, it is simply not proper. Any border changes must be endorsed by the European community as a whole.
With that, I would like to request that every nation steps forward and states their goals and desires for the congress, and we shall find the best way to reconcile them all into a reasonable treaty that satisfies all parties. Thank you, and Rule Britannia!
-Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, British Foreign Secretary
Greetings, Nations of Europe!
We are gathered here in Vienna, a beautiful and historic city, for a very important cause. Napoleon, the scourge of Europe, has been defeated at last by the forces of the Sixth Coalition. We now face the behemoth, dismantling the Corsican's empire and restoring order to the continent. The four great powers: Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia must gather our collective wills together and formulate the best way to secure peace in Europe for the foreseeable future. This does not mean the rest will be left out, however. The position of France must also be considered, as one of the historic powers of Europe, as well as the defeated party. France ought not to be crushed, that will only lead to future revolution and turmoil in the coming years. Destruction of France is not the goal of the British government or people.
The secondary powers of Europe too must provide their opinions, as no peace is complete without every nation. It is my opinion that great powers should not gobble up the small nations surrounding them with impunity, it is simply not proper. Any border changes must be endorsed by the European community as a whole.
With that, I would like to request that every nation steps forward and states their goals and desires for the congress, and we shall find the best way to reconcile them all into a reasonable treaty that satisfies all parties. Thank you, and Rule Britannia!
-Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, British Foreign Secretary
May I be among the first to welcome the great sovereigns to this Congress of all Europe. It is the privilege of the King of Bavaria to send his delegate into such prestigious company.
Before we delve into such eloquent wordplay and enjoy the warmth of our compatriots, however, I beg we remember why we have convened here, in this hour of well-earned peace. For twenty years, our people have not known such a prospect of lasting peace, and indeed have been washed adrift in the most terrible and costly tides of war for decades at the hands of revolutionaries and tyrants. The borders of nations have been shattered and the balance of power that once preserved the tranquility of peace in Europe have been swept away, and in doing so proved their fragility in the face of a new order. If we are to truly experience peace, lasting and bountiful, we cannot rely on placing things just as they were before the wars of the Revolution and of Napoleon knocked them down. This is a new era, gentleman, and it calls for a balance of power between states small and large to sustain it if we are to avoid sliding back into the maelstrom. With the exception of France, who's stranglehold over Europe has been swept away, every border redrawn must be compensated with a redrawing of the lines elsewhere, lest we see one great power or another become too large, too powerful, and so threaten the reestablishment of hegemony and tyranny over the God appointed monarchs of our good continent.
With that, I leave the floor to you, gentlemen, and hope you will have the wisdom to establish a peace that will be enjoyed for generations to come.
-Count Maximilian Josef von Montgelas, Bavarian delegate and statesman
Before we delve into such eloquent wordplay and enjoy the warmth of our compatriots, however, I beg we remember why we have convened here, in this hour of well-earned peace. For twenty years, our people have not known such a prospect of lasting peace, and indeed have been washed adrift in the most terrible and costly tides of war for decades at the hands of revolutionaries and tyrants. The borders of nations have been shattered and the balance of power that once preserved the tranquility of peace in Europe have been swept away, and in doing so proved their fragility in the face of a new order. If we are to truly experience peace, lasting and bountiful, we cannot rely on placing things just as they were before the wars of the Revolution and of Napoleon knocked them down. This is a new era, gentleman, and it calls for a balance of power between states small and large to sustain it if we are to avoid sliding back into the maelstrom. With the exception of France, who's stranglehold over Europe has been swept away, every border redrawn must be compensated with a redrawing of the lines elsewhere, lest we see one great power or another become too large, too powerful, and so threaten the reestablishment of hegemony and tyranny over the God appointed monarchs of our good continent.
With that, I leave the floor to you, gentlemen, and hope you will have the wisdom to establish a peace that will be enjoyed for generations to come.
-Count Maximilian Josef von Montgelas, Bavarian delegate and statesman
When you are ready to propose a plan, please do so in this format:
I will send everyone a PM to vote on it. Votes will be held in this thread. I will state whether or not NPCs will sign it, ignore it, or outright refuse to accept it. I will also state how badly it will destabilize Europe.
Code:
[b]PROPOSAL:[/b]
[Insert map here]
OR
[insert exact list of changes here]I will send everyone a PM to vote on it. Votes will be held in this thread. I will state whether or not NPCs will sign it, ignore it, or outright refuse to accept it. I will also state how badly it will destabilize Europe.
Let me welcome our most honorable guests: Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias, Alexander I, for Russia; Karl August, Fürst von Hardenberg, chief representative of the Kingdom of Prussia and Robert Stewart, Lord Castlereagh, British Foreign Secretary. Since these three countries, together with the Empire of Austria, were instrumental to the defeat of Bonapartism, they will bear the most out of our collective burden. Burden of bringing peace to Europe and restore values of our dear Europe; values that almost died in revolutionary flames. Values that will never let another revolution happen and drown the Europe in blood again.
First round of negotiations was already done and although it did not bring exactly the kind of results we would have liked, it showed that there may be common ground for all European nations; and that a consensus can be found and most definitely will be found. The failure and crash of first negotiations can not be attributed to anyone particular; it just happens so when you face challenge of such historical importance.
I will keep you all updated on the latest news.
- Klemens Wenzel, Fürst von Metternich
First round of negotiations was already done and although it did not bring exactly the kind of results we would have liked, it showed that there may be common ground for all European nations; and that a consensus can be found and most definitely will be found. The failure and crash of first negotiations can not be attributed to anyone particular; it just happens so when you face challenge of such historical importance.
I will keep you all updated on the latest news.
- Klemens Wenzel, Fürst von Metternich
His Imperial Majesty Alexander I extends his welcome to the parties assorted.
It is the will of the Tsar that we reach a lasting agreement with terms that are reached upon through an informed process. It is the aim of this congress that we achieve stability for Europe and that will not come without sacrifices on the part of each other. Throughout Europe there are lands that have historically been boiling pots for instability and revolt. Poland through much of the last century has shown itself incapable of self-government, the Ottoman treatment of the Balkans and their expulsion of rightful Hospodars and so on. Solutions to these continuing issues must be resolved if we are to accomplish a responsible and reasonable peace. The Tsar asks for your cooperation in that endeavour.
There must be a peace with honour. France, though its expansionist aims ought to be inhibited, shall retains its self-respect. Poland must be governed properly, the Ottoman's must be instructed on proper treatment of Christians and areas of potential border disputes must be addressed. That is the Tsar's mandate.
I wish us luck in arriving at our conclusions.
Regards,
His Illustriousness, Count Karl Robert Nesselrode, Foreign Minister of Imperial Russia.
It is the will of the Tsar that we reach a lasting agreement with terms that are reached upon through an informed process. It is the aim of this congress that we achieve stability for Europe and that will not come without sacrifices on the part of each other. Throughout Europe there are lands that have historically been boiling pots for instability and revolt. Poland through much of the last century has shown itself incapable of self-government, the Ottoman treatment of the Balkans and their expulsion of rightful Hospodars and so on. Solutions to these continuing issues must be resolved if we are to accomplish a responsible and reasonable peace. The Tsar asks for your cooperation in that endeavour.
There must be a peace with honour. France, though its expansionist aims ought to be inhibited, shall retains its self-respect. Poland must be governed properly, the Ottoman's must be instructed on proper treatment of Christians and areas of potential border disputes must be addressed. That is the Tsar's mandate.
I wish us luck in arriving at our conclusions.
Regards,
His Illustriousness, Count Karl Robert Nesselrode, Foreign Minister of Imperial Russia.
Most esteemed gentlemen, peacemakers of a new Europe,
I speak to you on the behalf of the House of Wettin; my King of Saxony and Duke of Warsaw, Friedrich August III and I. The Polish question is at the forefront of everyone's minds as Monsieur Bonaparte's machinations are being dismantled, and we must carefully determine how best to draw new borders and install old regimes to both revive and rejuvenate a tired and bloodied continent. Let us first consider the Duchy of Warsaw; what is it? A political fiction, created by the Tyrant, yes? But there was never a Bonaparte on the throne in Warsaw, instead the crown was given to the Saxon monarch - a restoration of his birthright inherited from his father but ceded on his behalf by the Regent Prince Francis Xavier. This act by the French Emperor was in line with the old values and virtues of Christian monarchy, and no great disturbance to the dynasties of Europe. The territory for this new Duchy was not plucked down for the aether, mind you, so where did it come from? From Prussia, yes... but how did the Hohenzollerns come to possess these Polish lands?
This brings us to the next point: the plight of the Polish people and their terrible fate at the hands of their illustrious friends and allies. The dissolution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, a crime so substantial it took three phases to complete, was predicated on no legal or moral ground whatsoever but rather was a policy of jealous and capricious cabinets, Prussia at the fore, to maintain between them a balance of power in lieu of Russia expanding into Ottoman territory by their right of conquest. No conquest of Poland took place except after the matter was decided already. The so-called weakness or instability of the Commonwealth was a result of insurrection to foreign intervention, a result of a desire in every conscious Pole to see his nation governed by its own estates and ruled over by a lord of their choosing. This war and strife is the pain of a nation threatened wrongfully and grievously from abroad. How can a nation that has stood for nearly 950 years be incapable of ruling itself? How can the failure of a parliament or a constitution condemn a race to servitude? How would your people react were they mistreated as the Pole was? Naturally when the Corsican hastily drew up a nation state, he took most from Prussia, and gave back to the Polish people what was once theirs, and now there exists in this state a stable and thriving administration, infrastructure, and commerce. When they state expanded once more and only once more in 1809, it was into further territories of Polish people once ruled by the old Commonwealth, and it was in defense against a foreign aggression. This was a state that existed to safeguard the sovereignty of its proud and ancient people, to restore to them a quality of life deserved for decades but hitherto denied.
As all the cabinets of Europe are represented here in one Conference under the mantle of ideals and principles that transcend petty interest, we have the opportunity to guarantee justice for a people divided and oppressed. I have not come to make accusations or demand reparation. I seek to maintain what has already been established and ease the two peoples I struggle to represent here today into the peaceful future with all their liberties intact. The simplest and least disruptive solution to the Polish question is to maintain the borders of the present Duchy of Warsaw and its Sejm, with the majority of its present constitution intact though rewritten into a new post-Bonapartist document, and to leave it free to choose its own heads of state and government as any nation ought to be, and especially as the Polish ought to be after so much partition and occupation.
As for the Duke, my King, who is now cast out as a traitor, let me just briefly remind us all, with the highest deference and respect, of Napoleon's thrall on all the great states of Europe. Did not Russia and Prussia make the terrible pact in 1807? And Austria in 1809? Did these brothers not fight against their own interest, bound by oath, in 1812? Was it not all then cast down in jubilation in the years to follow? We are all on the same side now! The spell has been broken. Let us move forward as equals, and dictate our collective future with cool heads and hearts always heavy with the sacred duty of enlightened rule. By the Grace of God we have an unparalleled chance to rectify all the evils of Revolution, and every monarch must be treated with the respect of its station. Every nation must have its open sky under which to bloom. We cut back the darkening and suffocating canopies above us, and reach toward the heavens, each for his own, and all together.
Your most humble guest and grateful delegate,
Friedrich Albrecht Graf von der Schulenburg-Klosterroda.
I speak to you on the behalf of the House of Wettin; my King of Saxony and Duke of Warsaw, Friedrich August III and I. The Polish question is at the forefront of everyone's minds as Monsieur Bonaparte's machinations are being dismantled, and we must carefully determine how best to draw new borders and install old regimes to both revive and rejuvenate a tired and bloodied continent. Let us first consider the Duchy of Warsaw; what is it? A political fiction, created by the Tyrant, yes? But there was never a Bonaparte on the throne in Warsaw, instead the crown was given to the Saxon monarch - a restoration of his birthright inherited from his father but ceded on his behalf by the Regent Prince Francis Xavier. This act by the French Emperor was in line with the old values and virtues of Christian monarchy, and no great disturbance to the dynasties of Europe. The territory for this new Duchy was not plucked down for the aether, mind you, so where did it come from? From Prussia, yes... but how did the Hohenzollerns come to possess these Polish lands?
This brings us to the next point: the plight of the Polish people and their terrible fate at the hands of their illustrious friends and allies. The dissolution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, a crime so substantial it took three phases to complete, was predicated on no legal or moral ground whatsoever but rather was a policy of jealous and capricious cabinets, Prussia at the fore, to maintain between them a balance of power in lieu of Russia expanding into Ottoman territory by their right of conquest. No conquest of Poland took place except after the matter was decided already. The so-called weakness or instability of the Commonwealth was a result of insurrection to foreign intervention, a result of a desire in every conscious Pole to see his nation governed by its own estates and ruled over by a lord of their choosing. This war and strife is the pain of a nation threatened wrongfully and grievously from abroad. How can a nation that has stood for nearly 950 years be incapable of ruling itself? How can the failure of a parliament or a constitution condemn a race to servitude? How would your people react were they mistreated as the Pole was? Naturally when the Corsican hastily drew up a nation state, he took most from Prussia, and gave back to the Polish people what was once theirs, and now there exists in this state a stable and thriving administration, infrastructure, and commerce. When they state expanded once more and only once more in 1809, it was into further territories of Polish people once ruled by the old Commonwealth, and it was in defense against a foreign aggression. This was a state that existed to safeguard the sovereignty of its proud and ancient people, to restore to them a quality of life deserved for decades but hitherto denied.
As all the cabinets of Europe are represented here in one Conference under the mantle of ideals and principles that transcend petty interest, we have the opportunity to guarantee justice for a people divided and oppressed. I have not come to make accusations or demand reparation. I seek to maintain what has already been established and ease the two peoples I struggle to represent here today into the peaceful future with all their liberties intact. The simplest and least disruptive solution to the Polish question is to maintain the borders of the present Duchy of Warsaw and its Sejm, with the majority of its present constitution intact though rewritten into a new post-Bonapartist document, and to leave it free to choose its own heads of state and government as any nation ought to be, and especially as the Polish ought to be after so much partition and occupation.
As for the Duke, my King, who is now cast out as a traitor, let me just briefly remind us all, with the highest deference and respect, of Napoleon's thrall on all the great states of Europe. Did not Russia and Prussia make the terrible pact in 1807? And Austria in 1809? Did these brothers not fight against their own interest, bound by oath, in 1812? Was it not all then cast down in jubilation in the years to follow? We are all on the same side now! The spell has been broken. Let us move forward as equals, and dictate our collective future with cool heads and hearts always heavy with the sacred duty of enlightened rule. By the Grace of God we have an unparalleled chance to rectify all the evils of Revolution, and every monarch must be treated with the respect of its station. Every nation must have its open sky under which to bloom. We cut back the darkening and suffocating canopies above us, and reach toward the heavens, each for his own, and all together.
Your most humble guest and grateful delegate,
Friedrich Albrecht Graf von der Schulenburg-Klosterroda.
The gentleman rises most audaciously. Accompanying this boldness is a spell of amnesia. The concept that Poland was destabilised by foreign intervention is absurd, the reality is that foreign intervention was a response to the instability that fraught Poland for centuries. The partition of Poland was carried on the basis of international consensus, it was agreed upon in this very city and ratified by the Sejm. It is the right of every nation to have secure borders, but when those borders are harassed by insurrection on the other side, when the peoples of those other lands cannot rule themselves safely, then it is both the right and obligation of other nations to rule for them. To this end, Poland's loss of sovereignty was morally justified and legally justified, by the sovereign powers of Europe and the powers held by the Sejm of the day.
Though Bonaparte did not lead the illegitimate Polish state, he may as well have done. Indeed, it is difficult to see it as anything else when thousands of Polish soldiers marches in Russian lands on the road to Moscow. Napoleon was a devious leader, hard to know and judge, few suspected him to be the plague that he was. Yet, even fewer remained his loyal aid until the end, the Poles were amongst that number - testament to their historic tendency to poor decision making. When Napoleon was finally cast aside by the powers of Europe, Poland was ever their faithful lapdog because they were a product of his making.
Poland has forfeited the right of statehood.
Though Bonaparte did not lead the illegitimate Polish state, he may as well have done. Indeed, it is difficult to see it as anything else when thousands of Polish soldiers marches in Russian lands on the road to Moscow. Napoleon was a devious leader, hard to know and judge, few suspected him to be the plague that he was. Yet, even fewer remained his loyal aid until the end, the Poles were amongst that number - testament to their historic tendency to poor decision making. When Napoleon was finally cast aside by the powers of Europe, Poland was ever their faithful lapdog because they were a product of his making.
Poland has forfeited the right of statehood.
Benno Maximus
Sergeant at Arms
Most esteemed gentlemen,
William Frederik of Orange-Nassau, son of previous stadholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands William V of Orange-Nassau and Princess Wilhelmina of Prussia, begs your attention.
We are gathered here today with the intention of creating a lasting peace in Europe. For far too long has this holy continent been ravaged by unceasing and unnecessary war, and If I am not mistaken, we seek here to create a balance of power in Europe in which our children might grow up in peace.
Assuming, of course, that this is the intention of the esteemed representatives gathered here, then the most pressing issue we ought to be discussing is how we can prevent an expansionistic, imperialistic power, particularly France, from becoming unreasonably powerful and dragging Europe back into decades of violence and bloodshed. The only way this can be obtained is by the reestablishment and strengthening of states disrupted by Bonaparte's conquest so as to act as a buffer between the great powers, not so strong that they themselves become great powers but powerful enough that they could deter imperial ambitions.
Should this not be done, should Europe become a collection of minor states and great powers, then what should follow is inevitable. One of the powers, most likely France, in an effort to win back its former glory, will go on a conquest of the minor states adjacent to it, as we saw Bonaparte dominate minor French and German states, and once again conflict will ignite and all great powers will be drawn in.
This is the only general strategy that will succeed. Are we in agreement?
Your most humble guest,
William Frederik of Orange-Nassau
William Frederik of Orange-Nassau, son of previous stadholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands William V of Orange-Nassau and Princess Wilhelmina of Prussia, begs your attention.
We are gathered here today with the intention of creating a lasting peace in Europe. For far too long has this holy continent been ravaged by unceasing and unnecessary war, and If I am not mistaken, we seek here to create a balance of power in Europe in which our children might grow up in peace.
Assuming, of course, that this is the intention of the esteemed representatives gathered here, then the most pressing issue we ought to be discussing is how we can prevent an expansionistic, imperialistic power, particularly France, from becoming unreasonably powerful and dragging Europe back into decades of violence and bloodshed. The only way this can be obtained is by the reestablishment and strengthening of states disrupted by Bonaparte's conquest so as to act as a buffer between the great powers, not so strong that they themselves become great powers but powerful enough that they could deter imperial ambitions.
Should this not be done, should Europe become a collection of minor states and great powers, then what should follow is inevitable. One of the powers, most likely France, in an effort to win back its former glory, will go on a conquest of the minor states adjacent to it, as we saw Bonaparte dominate minor French and German states, and once again conflict will ignite and all great powers will be drawn in.
This is the only general strategy that will succeed. Are we in agreement?
Your most humble guest,
William Frederik of Orange-Nassau
romandude
Grandmaster Knight
Greetings my fellow delegates. I would like to thank you all for your attention now as we address the concerns of the Kingdom of Sweden and the Kingdom of Norway. I have been sent here by his majesty, King Karl XIII of Sweden and Norway, to help negotiate peace in Europe, but our primary goal is to secure peace in the Nordic region.
We fought Napoleon and his Danish allies on several occasions, but despite our support for the cause of the coalition we have lost considerable land during the ordeal. The first land in question is the province of Swedish Pomerania, which we ceded to the Danish in exchange for Norway in the Treaty of Kiel in 1814. Swedish Pomerania has been a province of the Kingdom of Sweden since 1630 and we believe that it should remain in Scandinavian hands. This means that we would like it to be returned to us, or left in the hands of the Danish. Though the Danish were allies of Napoleon, and our enemies during the war, we do not see fit to punish them harshly for their poor decision.
The second land in question is Finland. Finland was captured in the 1808-1809 Swedish-Russian War by the Russians before the Russians joined the coalition. When Finland was annexed by the Russians the Kingdom of Sweden lost a quarter of its population and a third of its land. Finland is arguably one of the biggest issues for us in Fennoscandia. We do not believe that Finland, a Nordic nation, should be ruled by a Slavic empire. Additionally, if we allow Finland to leave we will have gained nothing from this horrible ordeal. We will have simply replaced Finland with Norway. We want to see Fennoscandia united. We dream of a united Nordic nation. One that is proud and respected by the rest of Europe.
The final issue for Sweden is the status of Norway. We do not intend to give up Norway under any circumstance. If we did give up Norway, we would be losing land, which is certainly not appropriate considering that we were on the victorious side of the war. In regard to the rest of Europe, we will have to wait and see. We will develop our stance on issues such as France's treatment once we see the plan presented by the major powers. Until then, we shall be focusing on the Nordic countries.
My fellow ambassadors, I would once again like to thank you for your patience and attention. Together we can create a new Europe, a peaceful Europe. A Europe where no one will live in fear of tyrants or warmongering expansionists.
- Count Carl Löwenhielm, representative of the Kingdom of Norway and the Kingdom of Sweden.
We fought Napoleon and his Danish allies on several occasions, but despite our support for the cause of the coalition we have lost considerable land during the ordeal. The first land in question is the province of Swedish Pomerania, which we ceded to the Danish in exchange for Norway in the Treaty of Kiel in 1814. Swedish Pomerania has been a province of the Kingdom of Sweden since 1630 and we believe that it should remain in Scandinavian hands. This means that we would like it to be returned to us, or left in the hands of the Danish. Though the Danish were allies of Napoleon, and our enemies during the war, we do not see fit to punish them harshly for their poor decision.
The second land in question is Finland. Finland was captured in the 1808-1809 Swedish-Russian War by the Russians before the Russians joined the coalition. When Finland was annexed by the Russians the Kingdom of Sweden lost a quarter of its population and a third of its land. Finland is arguably one of the biggest issues for us in Fennoscandia. We do not believe that Finland, a Nordic nation, should be ruled by a Slavic empire. Additionally, if we allow Finland to leave we will have gained nothing from this horrible ordeal. We will have simply replaced Finland with Norway. We want to see Fennoscandia united. We dream of a united Nordic nation. One that is proud and respected by the rest of Europe.
The final issue for Sweden is the status of Norway. We do not intend to give up Norway under any circumstance. If we did give up Norway, we would be losing land, which is certainly not appropriate considering that we were on the victorious side of the war. In regard to the rest of Europe, we will have to wait and see. We will develop our stance on issues such as France's treatment once we see the plan presented by the major powers. Until then, we shall be focusing on the Nordic countries.
My fellow ambassadors, I would once again like to thank you for your patience and attention. Together we can create a new Europe, a peaceful Europe. A Europe where no one will live in fear of tyrants or warmongering expansionists.
- Count Carl Löwenhielm, representative of the Kingdom of Norway and the Kingdom of Sweden.
I will submit my plan for the congress tomorrow, endorsed by the Great Powers. We have worked long and hard to come to a compromise that we hope all can agree with.
Of course, there will still be many points of contention, and no plan is perfect, but myself and my peers will be open to discuss and amend what we believe is a good starting place for the Congress.
Thank you all for waiting patiently.
-Castlereagh
Of course, there will still be many points of contention, and no plan is perfect, but myself and my peers will be open to discuss and amend what we believe is a good starting place for the Congress.
Thank you all for waiting patiently.
-Castlereagh
Below is an attached document containing the full terms of my proposal to the Congress, endorsed by the five great powers.
Please let everyone know what you think, and if you would like to support the document as well, let me know and I will sign your name in the appropriate section.
Please let everyone know what you think, and if you would like to support the document as well, let me know and I will sign your name in the appropriate section.
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1SergKHV8iGDrEovzBS1Rvr9NM4U91jik2rgGCsa1XVU/edit?usp=sharing
Jagiello
Sergeant at Arms
I Victor Emmanuel, King of Sardinia-Piedmont would like to thank the esteemed delegates of the greater powers for their hard work to produce a treaty that from my point of view holds the best of intentions for lasting peace throughout this continent. the treaty as it stands contains measures that i find both reasonable and feasible to uphold but that does not mean that i do not have my concerns. As a nation that has suffered the occupation of French and Austrian soldiers alike i fear that the encroachments of Austrian borders into Genoa and Parma may only be the beginning of further influence and expansion within our peninsula while denying the Italian people the right of self determination.
Co-Host here to observe the proceedings.
Benno Maximus
Sergeant at Arms
Esteemed gentlemen,
William Frederik of Orange-Nassa extends his congratulation to the great powers on their cooperation, and believes in general the treaty as laid out seems reasonable on most matters. However, there is one issue for us; an issue whose very existence completely baffles us, and without the resolution of this issue the United Kingdom of the Netherlands will never sign this treaty.
Napoleon was the scourge of Europe. His unrestrained ambition plunged all of us into a bloody conflict that has cost the lives of countless young men from each of our nations. In France's rapid expansionism under this tyrant many lands that did not belong to France fell under French control.
It was at Waterloo that the despot Napoleon was finally defeated, and I wish to remind you all Dutch troops were instrumental in this victory. Without our contribution, which led to the death of many of our fine young men, Napoleon might well still be at large today. With France's iron grip on Europe now gone, it would seem obvious that all the land unjustly seized by France should be stripped of it at the very least (and probably it should have some of its proper lands seized as punishment for its crimes). Yet for reasons we in the Netherlands cannot at all understand, Wallonia remains in French hands.
Wallonia is part of the lowlands, previous part of the Austrian Netherlands, and it is right for it to be united with the other Netherlands. To leave Wallonia in French hands would be to reward it for its expansionistic imperialism that plunged Europe into chaos. This is absurd. Dutch men did not sacrifice their lives, they did not fight Napoleon and defeat him, to see part of the lowlands remain in French control. Making Wallonia part of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands is right. It is the only course of action that makes any sense whatsoever.
As well, Luxembourg also should be united with the other lowlands. I have only the deepest respect for my cousin the King of Prussia, but Prussians have no business incorporating the lowlands into their empire. Prussia has gained an enormous amount of land from this treaty, they have unified countless German states and I applaud them for this. However, Luxembourg is not one of these German states: it is part of the lowlands, and the lowlands ought to be unified under one flag and not be under the control of a far-off power.
In conclusion, Wallonia must be unified with the rest of the Netherlands--it is the just thing to do. Luxembourg too ought to be unified, and while I understand my cousin may be reluctant (and rightly so) this too is the just course of action. I ask the great powers to make these adjustments, and as soon as they are made The United Kingdom of the Netherlands will happily sign your treaty.
Regards,
Prince William Frederik of Orange-Nassa
William Frederik of Orange-Nassa extends his congratulation to the great powers on their cooperation, and believes in general the treaty as laid out seems reasonable on most matters. However, there is one issue for us; an issue whose very existence completely baffles us, and without the resolution of this issue the United Kingdom of the Netherlands will never sign this treaty.
Napoleon was the scourge of Europe. His unrestrained ambition plunged all of us into a bloody conflict that has cost the lives of countless young men from each of our nations. In France's rapid expansionism under this tyrant many lands that did not belong to France fell under French control.
It was at Waterloo that the despot Napoleon was finally defeated, and I wish to remind you all Dutch troops were instrumental in this victory. Without our contribution, which led to the death of many of our fine young men, Napoleon might well still be at large today. With France's iron grip on Europe now gone, it would seem obvious that all the land unjustly seized by France should be stripped of it at the very least (and probably it should have some of its proper lands seized as punishment for its crimes). Yet for reasons we in the Netherlands cannot at all understand, Wallonia remains in French hands.
Wallonia is part of the lowlands, previous part of the Austrian Netherlands, and it is right for it to be united with the other Netherlands. To leave Wallonia in French hands would be to reward it for its expansionistic imperialism that plunged Europe into chaos. This is absurd. Dutch men did not sacrifice their lives, they did not fight Napoleon and defeat him, to see part of the lowlands remain in French control. Making Wallonia part of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands is right. It is the only course of action that makes any sense whatsoever.
As well, Luxembourg also should be united with the other lowlands. I have only the deepest respect for my cousin the King of Prussia, but Prussians have no business incorporating the lowlands into their empire. Prussia has gained an enormous amount of land from this treaty, they have unified countless German states and I applaud them for this. However, Luxembourg is not one of these German states: it is part of the lowlands, and the lowlands ought to be unified under one flag and not be under the control of a far-off power.
In conclusion, Wallonia must be unified with the rest of the Netherlands--it is the just thing to do. Luxembourg too ought to be unified, and while I understand my cousin may be reluctant (and rightly so) this too is the just course of action. I ask the great powers to make these adjustments, and as soon as they are made The United Kingdom of the Netherlands will happily sign your treaty.
Regards,
Prince William Frederik of Orange-Nassa
Benno Maximus
Sergeant at Arms
*United Republic of the Netherlands
We can only accept this arrangement with Russia with the assurance that the Kingdom of Poland will have all the liberties of the Grand Duchy of Finland, that is: a separate legislature; a separate currency; free use of the Polish language in government, commerce and education; the freedom to practice the Catholic faith; and the right to raise a separate army in times of crisis with the caveat that Russian forces may be stationed in the Kingdom at any time, for any reason. Anything less than these would be disproportionate to the size and advancement of the Polish nation.
romandude
Grandmaster Knight
I too congratulate the great powers, especially the United Kingdom, on this treaty. However, Sweden has one major issue. We are horribly insulted that Russia should receive Finland, since Finland was captured while they were working with Bonaparte. It is unfair that a massive empire who worked with the tyrant should benefit at the expense of a small kingdom which loyally stood against Napoleon. We most certainly shall not "verify and affirm the right of Russia to Finland" as they do not have any claim to it whatsoever. Finland has prospered under Swedish rule for over 550 years. In addition to this Nesselrode refused to speak with me despite the best efforts of myself and my friend Castlereagh. He's not even brave enough to confront the man whom he is wrongfully stealing from. Mark my words their will be no peace in the north with expansionists such as Tsar Alexander in control. He's a power hungry expansionist who seeks only to benefit from the smaller, weaker kingdoms who are unfortunate enough to be his neighbor.
Despite our contributions to the effort against Napoleon we have received nothing in return. We shall not be signing the treaty, and we are greatly insulted by the actions of the Russian delegation.
- Count Carl Löwenhielm, representative of the Kingdom of Norway and the Kingdom of Sweden
Despite our contributions to the effort against Napoleon we have received nothing in return. We shall not be signing the treaty, and we are greatly insulted by the actions of the Russian delegation.
- Count Carl Löwenhielm, representative of the Kingdom of Norway and the Kingdom of Sweden
I neglected to remember to include a resolution about the King of the new Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. I will confer with various members with the congress, and then make my selection. I hope that regardless of who I choose, the end result is the same: passage of the proposition.
If you have a strong opinion on the matter, contact me. I will take hearing nothing as indifference, regardless of the choice.
If you have a strong opinion on the matter, contact me. I will take hearing nothing as indifference, regardless of the choice.
